Colorado Politics

Democrats from opposite sides of the party all rally behind a ‘big tent’ 

Since their losses in the 2024 election, Democrats have struggled to settle on a clear message ahead of the 2026 midterm elections. As the party fights to reclaim control of Congress, primaries in New York, Michigan, and Colorado have exposed a widening divide between establishment Democrats and an energized progressive wing ready to challenge party leadership.

After every primary election in which establishment candidates face off against progressive opponents supported by the socialist-aligned section of the party, party insiders whisper the mounting challenges they face ahead of the general election without a unified party.

Recently, however, it seems they’ve found their answer: the Democratic Party is a “big tent,” a message Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) promoted after Abdul el Sayed’s narrow win in Michigan this week.

When pressed about the growing influence of the Democratic Socialists of America within the party, Schumer replied, “Look, we are a big tent party, and being a big tent party is a strength, not a weakness.”

The Michigan Senate Democratic primary was the epitome of the major schism within the Democratic Party. El Sayed ran a campaign highly critical of the establishment-backed Rep. Haley Stevens (D-MI), who was boosted by over $60 million. They traded barbs over who really represented Democratic voters, and el Sayed refused to commit to supporting Schumer’s position as party leader.

“If you’re Chuck Schumer,” el Sayed said in July, ” I’m pretty damn dangerous.”

Now, however, supporters of Stevens and el Sayed alike are insisting that the party is a “big tent,” and hoping the vicious attacks throughout the primary can be left in the past.

It’s a message they’ve been using throughout the election cycle, as the socialist insurgency has derailed establishment plans.

After New York’s Democratic primary saw a slew of socialists succeed over establishment-backed candidates, including some incumbents, Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-MD) said, “We have a big tent party. This is a democracy. You’re going to have lots of perspectives. It’s up to the voters to decide, and they did.”

Meanwhile, Sen. Chris Murphy (D-CT) has argued the “big tent” should extend beyond ideological labels and include disaffected people who voted for President Donald Trump.

“The argument that I make is that there are a lot of Trump voters who believe that the economy is rigged,” Murphy said. “They mistakenly thought Donald Trump was going to unrig it.”

He added that the Democratic Party should be more open to “bigger ideas,” referring to candidates running on a “democratic socialist” platform.

“I do think that there is somewhat of a trend that candidates who are confronting concentrated corporate power in a meaningful way are winning. And I think that that is something that the Democratic Party should pay attention to,” he said.

“We should give them a place in our party,” he added.

The approach suggests a strategy among Democratic leaders: compete fiercely in primaries, then unify behind whichever candidate emerges. The challenge for Democratic leaders is that mending the party’s internal battles is easier said than done.

Anti-American Israel Public Affairs Committee sentiment, which el Sayed espoused during his campaign, is motivating for the progressive wing of the party, but alienating for others.

“I don’t know if the Democratic Party is ‘big tent’ enough for proud, pro-Israel supporters,” Sen. John Fetterman (D-PA) said last week, arguing that the party has increasingly embraced what he called a “warped mutation” of socialism.

While campaigning, el Sayed said he would have no problem primarying senators such as John Fetterman. “Ideally, you put one ogre on a pike, and then everyone else gets the message,” he said during a private donor call.

Fetterman has also criticized his party for backing progressive candidates, arguing they risked costing Democrats winnable Senate races.

“Yeah, no, I mean, these — the kind of people they are trying to run out of office, they are just good, traditional kinds of Democrats you would expect in New York City now,” Fetterman told Fox News’s Sean Hannity, adding that “it’s just been the dancing days of the dirtbag Left.”

Fetterman isn’t the only Democrat wary of the “big tent.” Rep. Josh Gottheimer (D-NJ) said the socialist candidates running — and winning — in Democratic primaries shouldn’t be in the party at all.

“Obviously, I’m a very proud, common-sense Democrat, and I don’t think DSA members are Democrats,” Gottheimer said on Fox News. “They’re socialists, right? And I’m all for them having their own party if they want one, but if they’re trying to take over our party, that’s unacceptable to me.”

“Their values, their ideas are certainly not in line with ours, and they don’t support our leadership,” Gottheimer continued. “They’re trying to use the Democratic Party as a vessel for their ideas. And as you heard in some of these conventions, literally, they’re supporting The Communist Manifesto and [Leon] Trotsky, they’re anti-American, they are anti-cop, they don’t believe in borders.”

With just months until the midterm elections, Democrats are betting that ideological diversity will prove to be a strength rather than a liability. Party leaders argue that welcoming progressives, moderates, and even former Trump voters gives Democrats the broad coalition needed to win competitive races.

The one outstanding example of party leaders not rallying behind primary winners they originally bet against is Schumer’s refusal to endorse Troy Jackson in Maine, who took over the role after Graham Platner dropped out and the state party had to hold a meeting to choose a new nominee.

Bitter primary fights over Israel, economic progressivism, and the party’s future direction have raised a central question heading into November: Can Democrats maintain a “big tent” focus as the factions become increasingly divided? 

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Rena Rowe

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