Educate Denver, a self-appointed Denver Public Schools Debbie Downer group that rarely finds anything positive in public education in Denver’s schools, has produced a “nuanced” commentary on DPS’s 2025 academic performance. The authors, prominent Denverites, counter remarks from the school district that celebrate its hard-earned achievement of “green,” or accredited district status.

Rob Stein, retired school superintendent, and Federico Pena, former Denver mayor, focus their critique on the achievement gap between White students and minority students based on Colorado’s ironically named CMAS tests (Colorado Measures of Academic Success). They observe what has been obvious in the state for decades: White students from families with above poverty level income score much better on standardized tests than students from low-income and minority backgrounds. To be clear, low-income and minority student numbers improved on 2025 DPS reading and math tests. White students improved at a higher rate.

Why do we continue to see this enduring difference? Educate Denver blames most of the achievement gap on DPS administration. Its “strategic plan” is not realistic, they say. It doesn’t replicate spots of success across the system, they assert. DPS creates inequity, some ed reformers claim. For Superintendent Alex Marrero and all DPS employees, that allegation must be particularly galling. 

The authors note DPS spent $11,452 per student in 2024-2025. They argue shareholders of any corporation spending that kind of money with those results “would demand a complete overhaul of such a failing institution.” It’s obvious, however, DPS is not a corporation producing robots.

Let’s explore recent history. In February 2019, DPS teachers went on strike for pay, resources, reduced class size and more support staff. The school board majority at the time represented members endorsed by education reform advocates. In the next election in November 2019, the board majority turned over with three pro-union candidates taking seats. In 2021, the board majority continued to favor members unpopular with education reformers. It was a tumultuous time as DPS struggled to overcome the effects of the COVID pandemic.

In 2023, education reformers turned the board back in their direction. Negotiations with the union, however, were contentious, resulting in an impasse only resolved with teachers receiving a pay boost and a class size promise of 30 or fewer students in kindergarten through fifth grade.

Clearly, financial pressures hit hard as the district closed neighborhood schools to preserve dollars. No charter schools closed due to legal requirements, even though some have low enrollments and low achievement records. Superintendent Marrero instituted a new school closure policy that asks charter schools to agree to a revised condition in which the district may consider charter closures under the same terms as district schools. In a no-show of support for this idea, none of the charters have agreed to Marrero’s plan.

In addition to board turmoil, DPS was faced with integrating hundreds of migrants into its schools, most of whom need English language education. These students are generally enrolled in schools in low-income areas, putting more strain on resources. DPS responded by hiring certified bilingual teachers from other nations. It has created community hubs to offer clothing, food, GED classes, Medicaid counselors and other wrap-around services for parents and students.

The Ed Denver analysis of DPS’s “failures” to produce better academic growth among students facing these daunting conditions calls into question the meaning of “nuanced.”

First, $11,452 per student is enough to get White students soaring to high levels of academic success. More than $11,000 per student is not enough to close the gap for low-income and minority children. White students in more affluent Denver areas likely have parents able to provide stable housing, tutoring, technology, nutrition, clothing, medical care and other advantages unavailable to many low-income children.

Since the first Trump election, incomes among educated White adults have also increased to astonishing levels. Many of these individuals live in Denver with their children. Some of the measure of the gap between these high-income children and low-income students, especially students with shaky English, is certainly caused by their financial differences. Those low-income circumstances are what DPS is supposed to overcome on $11,452 per student.

Even though DPS teachers in district schools were unhappy with their pay and lack of resources, they managed to move disadvantaged children along overall. The Ed Denver people barely credit that effort. Teachers are looking for DPS board members and administrators who get their school environments and their standard of living needs. It’s not surprising they’ve endorsed board candidates who did not receive an imprimatur from Educate Denver and its ally, Denver Families for Public Schools.

That Denver Families supports district public schools is dubious. Their president is Pat Donovan, former managing partner of RootEd that spent millions encouraging families to leave their local schools for charters. He’s on the boards of Colorado League of Charter Schools and the DPS charters KIPP Colorado and Rocky Mountain Prep where he is chair.

If Educate Denver’s candidates take over the DPS board, current progress and Marrero’s aspirations will clearly be disrupted. Voters will have to decide whether Ed Denver’s “nuanced” analysis offers the best solutions to the ongoing DPS, and state, achievement gaps.

Paula Noonan owns Colorado Capitol Watch, the state’s premier legislature tracking platform.