My years as a high-level radioactive waste manager took me in and out of Washington, D.C. frequently during the 1990s. Following Newt Gingrich’s successful 1994 ouster of the Democratic majority in Congress, following their 40-year reign, I was surprised many Democratic lobbyists were willing to acknowledge privately Newt’s win was probably a good thing. There were committee chairs who ruled their fiefdoms for 20 and 30 years who had grown so arrogant they remained deaf to any disagreement, perhaps none more reviled than John Dingell who chaired the House Energy and Commerce Committee for 15 years.

Though much media credit for the Republican victory was assigned at the time to Gingrich’s “Contract with America,” Bill Clinton’s shaky start to his presidency, the failure of Hillary’s health care plan, and public fatigue with Democrats weighed heavily with voters. No one really believed Congress would impose 12-year term limits on its members and fully half the commitments to voters never received a serious hearing. Newt’s “contract” was effective politics, however. The promise to rotate committee chairmanships eventually devolved into an auction that now awards these prizes to the members who raise the most money to purchase them — hardly an improvement on the seniority system it replaced.

Though Colorado has little risk of self-serving leadership since the approval of term limits in 1992, the decade-long dominance of Democrats at the Capitol has lost its way to an alarmingly similar disconnection from reality. When I first started hearing grumbling about legislative Democrats moving too far left, I discounted these complaints. I suspected Republicans simply were resentful Democrats imposed necessary protections against environmental banditry and threats to the civil rights of marginalized citizens — reforms I would embrace. But, as the Colorado Republican party has splintered into a rabidly squabbling pursuit of heresy in its ranks over the recruitment of converts, legislative Democrats have determined, correctly, there is little risk in pushing their legislative agenda against the boundaries of common sense.

I offer this assessment with genuine regret. In recent years, the constitutionally distorted mess that is Colorado’s tax structure has forced two special sessions simply to cope with the property tax piece. In light of this, you would expect Democrats would have flooded the Capitol with fiscal proposals. In fact, they routinely concede direction on this crisis to a handful of “in-group” legislators and governor’s office staffers who have sprung half-baked proposals in the closing weeks of each session. At the same time, there were nearly triple the number of bills offered to protect “trans rights,” a fully worthy project. I have a grandniece grappling with the challenges of such a transition. She deserves to be treated with respect and afforded equal opportunity. But where are legislative priorities up against the grim economic pressures on Colorado residents?

The record isn’t encouraging. When several legislators exposed a bipartisan pattern of secret meetings, the surreptitious abuse of social and messaging apps, as well as an opaque ranking system for arriving budget choices, there was no apology for violating the open meetings law. Rather, the legislative wagons were circled, on a non-partisan basis since Republicans were equally guilty, to exempt the General Assembly from any transparency requirements. Seemingly unsatisfied they have adequately sequestered themselves, there are rumors an additional bill will surface soon to expand their 2024 exemption in SB-157. This proposal may fail to surface now that a coalition has formed to place the people’s “fundamental right to know” on the 2026 ballot overturning the 2024 legislation.

Spearheaded by the Independence Institute, Jon Caldara has shrewdly enlisted a roster of Democratic and progressive allies, including the ACLU, Colorado Common Cause and the League of Women Voters, together with the Press Association, broadcasters and Colorado Public Radio. Ask yourself, how could Democratic leadership think Senate Bill 157 was a good idea in the first place? If Caldara’s constitutional amendment makes it to the ballot, it will easily clear the required 55% hurdle. I would predict 65% to 75% approval.

House Democrats are also wrapped around the axle after being hauled before the ethics commission for their legislative “forum” with a dark-money Political Action Committee last year in Vail. Free rooms, free drinks, complimentary meals, hoorah! They could only do something so stupid because they were sure they could get away with it. While national Democrats worry our democracy is in peril, it’s mostly Democratic legislators who think it would be a great idea to repeal the elected RTD Board in favor of appointed experts. Spare me.

Earlier this week I saw the headline, “Colorado Democrats seek to legalize prostitution by July.” With national attention absorbed by the Epstein scandal, I wondered who thought this was another good idea? Apparently, Sens. Nick Hinrichsen and Lisa Cutter as well as Reps. Lorena Garcia and Rebekah Stewart do, which prompted me to do a little research. The title of SB26-097 is actually “Decriminalize Adult Commercial Sexual Activity.” There is a substantial difference between legalize and decriminalize. Only one state, Nevada, has legalized prostitution, while 19 have decriminalized the world’s oldest profession in varying ways. Colorado would make this 20. Since it can be legally measured, Nevada reports $150 million in annual economic activity.

Now for some of the surprises I discovered in a national survey — 60% of prostitutes are married, another 30% live with a partner while just 10% are single. Sixty-five percent are immigrants and two-thirds of those are undocumented. Twenty-three percent never finished high school, 55% have attended college and 22% earned a degree. In this latter group almost all report having started to turn tricks to pay their tuition. Although there are an estimated 1.5 million sex workers, there were only 3,200 arrests in 2024. Nonetheless, 40% eventually wind up with criminal records. An additional startling statistic is 90% of underage prostitutes are indigenous girls, perhaps largely runaways.

This data describes the population at risk. Fifteen percent report they experience at least one physical assault every year, although a third of those come from their pimps. The Colorado sponsors contend their bill will protect sex workers and their clients over the long run. Although titled as decriminalization, their bill appears to open the door wide enough to amount to legalization. It contains a provision that prohibits local government from interfering with sex workers advertising their services. It’s no mystery why the casual reader would think this amounts to legalization. On balance there is certainly some merit in loosening current restrictions.

Sex workers are estimated to comprise seven-tenths of 1% of our neighbors, their “Johns” perhaps twice that many — say 2%. I can’t quarrel with the argument consenting adults shouldn’t be arrested for consensual “commercial sexual activity,” but I side with the Victorian era sage who observed, “I don’t mind what people do, so long as they don’t do it in the street and frighten the horses.” Again, at a time when national Democrats are focused on affordability, it might be smart if Colorado Democrats reviewed Maslow’s hierarchy of needs. Start with the cost of food, shelter and clothing. Then move on to safety and health care.

Miller Hudson is a public affairs consultant and a former Colorado legislator.