The history of Colorado’s public policy think tanks – right, left and center – offers a colorful tale. State-based political advocacy shops replicating Washington lobbying organizations arrived in Denver during the 1980s. While a few only flared for a few years before failing and others were conjured up solely to support a specific issue or election initiative, many have proven surprisingly resilient over the decades. Yet, as years have elapsed, most have bifurcated into partisan policy ecosystems. These range in style from pretensions of academic rigor to near hysterical performance art theatrics intended to trade in fear and loathing.

Among the first groups to appear at the Capitol in Denver were Ralph Nader’s consumer protection campaigns which sprang out of campus organizing drives at Colorado’s colleges and universities during the 1970s. The most influential survivor being the Colorado Public Interest Research Group (COPIRG), which maintains a muscular presence at the Capitol. Although it is no longer clear precisely whom COPIRG represents in the 21st century, they offer a reliably liberal voice on environmental, transportation, health, education and budget issues. It was joined by Common Cause, affiliated with the national organization, and then the Independence Institute, brainchild of John Andrews on the right.

Although the original conception of their purpose was to issue legislative recommendations to legislators, it soon became clear pronouncements issued from experts, however admirably credentialed, would require a vigorous lobbying presence to succeed. And, in a state offering ready access to the ballot, Colorado think tanks also had to develop a capacity to weigh in on ballot campaigns. The first to take advantage of this opening was Common Cause, which took the GAVEL amendment to voters as an end run around an ossified legislative process controlled by seniority and all powerful committee chairs. These solons could ‘pocket veto’ bills by refusing to bring them before their committees for discussion. They could also enforce what were known as ‘binding caucus’ positions forcing yes or no votes from members in the majority party. GAVEL brought an end to all of this in the name of reform, a blessing for today’s Republicans who have served in the minority during recent sessions.

The Independence Institute, while clearly conservative under John Andrews’ direction, initially tried to provide a balanced presentation of policy options – going so far as to include a brief rebuttal to its recommended legislation from a critic, usually a Democrat. The Legislative Council staff was poorly equipped at the time to provide policy analysis. Prior to GAVEL’s passage, staff support was often denied minority Democrats which prompted me to observe at the time that a conservative think tank was better than no think tank at all. After Andrews left the Institute to pursue his own political ambitions that carried him to the Presidency of the state Senate and a failed run for Governor, leadership at Independence passed first to Tom Tancredo and then to Jon Caldara who each substituted carnival barking showmanship for substance.

Today, liberals and conservatives have woven competing networks of symbiotic allies that often coordinate messages. With the Supreme Court’s blessing of dark money in our politics it’s often difficult to discern whether a felicitously named organization is a genuine policy advocate or merely a front for the dark arts of negative campaigning. Following a decade of labor on the center right, Colorado’s Common Sense Institute (CSI) is making a bid to assume the position the Heritage Foundation has won for itself in Washington. You may not agree with Heritage’s positions, but it can be relied on to get its statistics right.

This past week CSI released its Free Enterprise Report – an economic snapshot of Colorado as the state hopefully emerges from underneath the COVID pandemic. CSI’s Free Enterprise report rates eight policy parameters for a healthy business environment. They rate four as having taken a negative turn during the pandemic (jobs, energy, healthcare and taxes), three more holding steady and only one turning positive – the state budget, now flush with federal dollars. This snapshot seems gloomier than necessary, while the budget surplus seems faces a tug of war between the Governor and the JBC. Polis is urging several years of prepayments of budget expenses. This makes sense for a candidate who hopes to serve four more years and would prefer to have some fiscal cushion if the economy takes a nosedive.

Key legislative Democrats believe it makes more sense to take this windfall and spend it on investments that would struggle to find funding otherwise. In an age of big data, it’s worthwhile that someone is aggregating improved statistical profiles. The fact that crimes are costing Colorado residents $26 billion annually feels scary, raising the question of who is committing them? More than half, 52%, of workers moved here for their jobs – could the same be true for our thieves?

Miller Hudson is a public affairs consultant and a former Colorado legislator.